Summary: 11 July 2008, Brussels - Speech by Benita Ferrero-Waldner, European Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy, "Global Europe: What next for EU Foreign Policy?", at the European Policy Centre
Thank you for these kind words of introduction and to the European Policy Centre for the invitation.
Our Union is of course in a delicate pass. But what I will aim to show today - and I will do my best to stay within my 20 minutes - is that with or without the Lisbon Treaty, there is a pressing need for Europe to be an effective, coherent actor on the world stage.
I will also try to show that we're not starting from a blank page. Europe is already doing much - and well - to tackle the greatest challenges of our times.
Ladies and gentlemen,
As you know, Winston Churchill once famously said that:
"Democracy is the worst form of government, except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time …"
Democracy is clearly one of the fundamental values on which the European Union is built. The European Commission, as President Barroso declared on the day of the results of the Irish referendum, of course fully respects the outcome of the Irish vote.
But equally, as a supporter of the Treaty, the Commission had hoped for a different result. I would add that we still hope it will be possible at some point in the future for all 27 Member States to ratify the Treaty. As you know, the June European Council noted that the ratification process in other Member States will continue and that the October European Council should consider the issue again.
But Ladies and Gentlemen,
World events won't stop to wait for European institutional navel-gazing - fascinating as some of us might find that exercise.
Last week the G8 Summit was held in Japan. A year ago, when the G8 last met, Northern Rock and Bear Stearns were considered solid financial institutions, crude oil was at 65$ a barrel and a tonne of rice fetched 300$. Today, the credit squeeze has knocked global economic prospects, oil prices have merrily skipped over 145$ a barrel and we have seen food protests and riots sparked from Spain to South Korea.
What is common to these examples is that they all represent, in some way, the darker side of globalization. They are the product of some of the key drivers shaping the changes in today's world, changes which impact on our foreign policy. I'd like to take a few minutes to sketch out these drivers, if I may, and the opportunities and challenges which they bring. In each case I'll aim to show how Europe is punching its weight now.
So what are these drivers of change? - I'll highlight just three:
First, economic change: The trend is the increasing interconnectedness of the global economy, with the balance of activity rapidly shifting towards emerging economies whose share will double between 2005 and 2020.
The challenges this brings for Europe are adapting to the competition (by 2020, China and India will be the 2nd and 6th economies respectively) and adapting to shocks - such as the US subprime mortgage loan crisis.
But we are not just playing a defensive game here. Fortress Europe is clearly not the answer! There are great opportunities to be reaped: new markets, increased trade and investment with the emerging economies, and benefits to consumers. In difficult times in which some want to pull up the drawbridges, it is important to underline that.
How is Europe helping us meet these challenges? One of the key areas where the European Union is making its mark in foreign policy terms is in its strategic partnerships with the emerging economies. To take just two - China and Russia - and progress we're making:
China. The EU aims for a comprehensive partnership with China, bilaterally and in the multilateral context. I discussed progress towards the 11th EU/China Summit due to be held in December with Chinese Foreign Minister Yang only recently. It will cover aspects as diverse as EU market access to China, better protection of intellectual property rights, climate change - China is the world's largest CO2 emitter - counter-terrorism, human rights, Taiwan and Tibet.
On all of these issues, we're making progress - slower in some areas than others - but progress nonetheless. I am a strong believer in a partnership of equals in which we identify and pursue common interests and work constructively on areas where we don't see eye to eye, rather than engaging in "megaphone-diplomacy".
The same holds for our relationship with Russia - Following a successful Summit at the end of June - the first with president Medvedev, the opening session of negotiations on the new EU/Russia Agreement was held ten days ago. The agreement will be wide-ranging, covering areas of mutual interest as varied as energy - where we are each a key partner for the other - business and innovation, market access and economic integration, and police and judicial cooperation. All of this is not least
critical for Russia's further modernization. This is not to mention ongoing dialogue on the Middle East, Iran and North Korea. The EU also seeks more dialogue on the frozen conflicts in our common neighbourhood.
The second key driver I want to mention is demographic. World population is set to increase from 6.5bn in 2005 to 7.7bn in 2020 and continue rising apace.
The challenges this brings are clear: pressure on scarce resources. Migration is likely to be one result. Civil unrest, ideological extremism and even state failure could be others.
But the flip side of the coin is that Europe whose population is ageing may benefit, if migration is properly managed, with an influx of young, talented workers. Today, half of the start-ups founded in California's Silicon Valley have foreign owners, while the EU only attracts 5% of the qualified migrants worldwide. That should make us think.
So how is Europe dealing with the challenges - including economic challenges - population growth brings?
First, Europe is and remains a major defender of free trade and investment. At the Doha round of world trade negotiations, the Commission will continue arguing strongly that open markets and economic integration are still by far the best tool we have for increasing global economic welfare, including our own prosperity at home.
The EU is also the largest aid donor in the world, with our work in the field of development and reform assistance widely recognized. In an interconnected world, this is not just some kind of diplomatic "social work", as some, at times, unfairly criticize: it is an investment in our security.
Think about the so-called "youth bulge" in many of our southern neighbours - and the political and security implications for Europe. That is why both the bilateral reform partnerships in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the upgraded "Barcelona Process: Union for the Mediterranean", to be launched this weekend, both have a clear focus on helping to build open societies and opportunities.
And on migration, one of the flagship proposals of the French Presidency is a Migration Pact, key aspects of which include assisting source and transit countries as well as managing migration. Last week's Ministerial in Cannes helped to move ahead on this key matter. Within my field of the European Neighbourhood Policy, we are setting up so-called "mobility partnerships" that will both combat illegal trafficking and govern legal migration.
The third, and last, driver of change I wanted to highlight is the Environment. Climate Change is happening and happening now, as are rapid changes to the World's ecosystem.
As a report I presented to the spring European Council with the High Representative showed - Climate Change will act as a "threat multiplier" increasing risks around the world of famine, drought, forced migration, radicalization and state failure, not to mention conflict.
But there are also positives on the environment - from the potential to develop lucrative carbon trading markets, environmental goods and services and alternative energy technology - to healthier lifestyles.
And how is the EU punching on this issue?
I would argue that we are a world leader. The Kyoto Protocol wouldn't exist without the EU's efforts. EU objectives - of reducing greenhouse gas emissions, improving energy efficiency and raising the share of renewable energy, all by 20% by 2020 - are groundbreaking. And the G8 has just reinforced these commitments with a statement calling for global efforts to halve emissions by 2050.
The European Union was instrumental in securing agreement in Bali last December to launch negotiations on a comprehensive agreement for global action after 2012. One of the key breakthroughs was securing progress with the US. Again, this has just been reinforced at the G8 with the US signing up, for the first time ever, to specific CO2 reduction targets. As you would expect, in the run-up to the US elections, we are already actively engaging both camps on all issues of common interest. I
am confident that we will make good progress with the next US President, whichever candidate wins.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Why did I emphasize these drivers of change? There are two reasons:
First, it is to make the point that the challenges that our Union is faced with today are quite different to those which led to its creation out of the ashes of the Second World War. The challenge then was to reconstruct the fabric of our countries, rebuild democracy and secure lasting peace and prosperity in Western Europe by inextricably intertwining our interests. In a way, we needed to look inward.
Today, I would argue, in this age of globalization and faced with the challenges I have outlined, we will only remain successful if we look outward. That is the significance for me of the term "Global Europe".
Today's Europe, in order to defend the interests of its citizens at home - be that in terms of their ability to heat and light their homes, put food on the table they can afford, or leave the planet in a fit state for their children - needs to "manage globalization". That is critical to sustain the legitimacy of the European project, which is sometimes - unfortunately - called into question. That means being a global player and not just a "soft power", but a "smart power" - from
our relations with China and Russia to the Middle East, from Latin America to South East Asia.
It is clear - even though that might not be everyone's cup of tea, petit verre de blanc, schnapps or indeed pint of Guinness - that Member States ability to deliver on these global challenges is multiplied by working through the EU. To quote one of our founding fathers, Paul-Henri Spaak: "Europe consists only of small countries - some of which know it and some of which don't yet."
As I have tried to show, we are not starting from scratch. On the contrary: We can build on the many achievements of EU external policies over the years.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Is the delayed entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty therefore a setback? From the Commission's point of view: Clearly yes. But as one proverb says: "If you find a path without obstacles, it probably doesn't lead anywhere".
Well, I believe that there is a real path for Europe in "Managing globalization". This is what polls tell us our citizens want. It is through continuing and deepening the work I have outlined that we will deepen the consciousness amongst European citizens that Europe is not only good for business, it's also good - indeed crucial - for defending their interests on the world stage.
The Lisbon Treaty is highly important for that. But ladies and gentlemen, building Global Europe is not just a matter of institutions. First and foremost, it is a matter of political will. It is up to us as leaders, and in particular up to our Member States, to demonstrate that.
Thank you for your attention.
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