Summary: Summary of speech by EUHR Solana on the current international situation and the role of the EU (29 March 2007: Brussels)
Summary of the speech by Javier SOLANA, European Union High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy to the plenary of the European Parliament, on the current international situation and the role of the EU, Brussels
Mr President, Honourable Members of Parliament,
I have just returned from Riyadh where I had the honour of representing the European Union at the Summit of the League of Arab States. My flight landed just a few hours ago but it gives me great pleasure to address the Chamber now. This is my first speech under the Presidency of Mr Hans Gert Pöttering. Please allow me to congratulate him once more, this time on his home territory, on his election.
I would also like to congratulate Mr Joseph Daul on his election as leader of the PPE-DE and Mr Jacek Saryusz-Wolski on his election as Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee. I look forward to a long period of close cooperation between us in the future.
I wish to discuss with you a number of matters concerning foreign policy. This is a good time to do so. A few days ago in Berlin, we adopted a declaration on the 50th anniversary of the European Union. Chancellor Merkel was here yesterday to present the declaration. I believe that a common foreign policy is a key element of any European project. Its achievement is one of the great challenges facing the Union.
There are many reasons for this. Here are just two:
The first is that the rest of the world has great expectations of the European Union's global role.
The second is that so do our own citizens. They require our presence in the most varied locations and in the most diverse conflicts. They demand a European way of doing things that works. It is one of the Union's successes and it should be recognised as such.
We currently have 10 missions deployed, from Kinshasa to Bosnia and from Gaza to Iraq. We are preparing for Afghanistan and Kosovo, two missions of undoubted difficulty. There will be others, military and civilian. We have to meet the expectations placed in us, in the Union. And that calls for the appropriate resources.
In this first speech, I would like to speak about the Middle East, Iran, the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Africa.
Regarding the Middle East, as I said earlier, I returned a few hours ago from the Summit of the League of Arab States in Riyadh. The summit currently taking place in the Saudi capital is one of the most important ever held by the Arab countries. This is due to a number of factors but above all to the unquestionable leadership which Saudi Arabia is exercising in the Arab world. I was profoundly struck by two things said by King Abdullah in his opening speech: firstly, that the Arab people
are more disunited today than they were when the League of Arab States was established, and secondly that responsibility for the problems of the region lies to a great extent with the Arab leaders themselves. The Arab world is not condemned to backwardness. Restoring unity is probably the first step to restoring trust. It is the Arab people, and only them, who must and can shape their future. This was also the central message of my speech as an invited speaker.
The European Union is convinced that the Arab-Israeli conflict is at the heart of the problems of the region. Europe has been totally convinced of this fact for some time. For this reason we supported the Mecca Agreement. We see it as a fundamental contribution to bringing inter-Palestinian fighting to an end and for a solution to the conflict, which in turn requires the end of the occupation which began in 1967, the creation of two States and a global arrangement within the region.
We unreservedly support the indefatigable efforts being made by President Mahmud Abbas to achieve the goals of the Palestinian people, in accordance with the principles which he himself has tirelessly repeated, specifically before the General Assembly of the United Nations and more recently on the occasion of the formation of the new Palestinian Government on 17 May last year. As you are aware, the principles enounced by the President are: observance of the prior agreements between the PLO and
the Palestinian National Authority, mutual recognition and the rejection of violence, and a commitment to a negotiated solution.
The European Union has never abandoned the Palestinian people and never will. I sincerely believe that the parallel efforts by the US Secretary of State and the Quartet offer a new opportunity to resolve the conflict. Everybody, including the Europeans, must do what has to be done to seize this opportunity. We could never forgive ourselves if we failed to do so. For this reason, before this Chamber, I call on the Union to commit itself to work as soon and as intensely as possible with the new
foreign and finance ministers of the Palestinian government, deploying all necessary resources. We know them. They have consistently shown themselves to be serious in their intentions. Who would doubt that they would act otherwise now, at a time when their people are being so severely tested. This is the moment for us to commit ourselves to the task and this is what I will tell the Foreign Ministers of the Union when we meet tomorrow in Bremen.
In Riyadh, I had a meeting with the Foreign Minister of Iran, Mr Mottaki. I conveyed to him in clear terms that the holding of 15 British sailors by the Iranian authorities was unacceptable and that the situation had to end. The Royal Navy officers concerned must be freed immediately.
As regards Iran's nuclear programme, last Saturday, the 24th of March, the Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1747. The international community's unanimity is, in my view, its principal message. That has been a constant since the first Resolution, and this fact must be emphasised.
The Security Council's decision is part of a twin-track policy: to demonstrate to the Iranian authorities on the one hand that the international community cannot accept its policy of faits accomplis and on the other that it is still ready to negotiate on the basis of the proposal I presented in Teheran on the 6th of June last year.
We now have a fresh opportunity, and I have said as much to Dr Ali Larijani. Negotiation is the only way, and we must get back to it as soon as possible.
The Iran question must be considered in a number of overlapping contexts. One, of course, is the general situation in the Middle East to which I have already referred. Another is the general policy of non-proliferation.
I have to say that the state of the multilateral non-proliferation system worries me. There is a growing and increasingly widespread perception of deep imbalances between the three pillars of the system, non-proliferation, disarmament and technology transfer. This changing view is apparent in many non-aligned countries.
I think we must strive to re establish the necessary confidence in the multilateral system to make it effective. It is a cornerstone of international society. I am convinced that the European Union can play a very positive role in re-establishing that confidence and we are working toward that goal.
Europe must be in the front line of non-proliferation and disarmament. In a world which is unquestionably more uncertain and faced with more complex threats, Europe must be in the front line of those who believe that the answer cannot be expressed simply in the language of security. Dialogue and cooperation must be essential elements of the answer. That is the "European way" of doing things in foreign policy that I referred to at the beginning as one of which other countries and groups have
great expectations.
As for the Balkans, I want to begin by expressing my support for the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy, Martti Ahtisaari, and thanking him for his presentation of his report on the status agreement for Kosovo.
Kosovo will be a huge challenge for the European Union. First of all politically. The future of Kosovo and Serbia is at stake, and with it the stability of a region of Europe in which we have invested considerable human and material resources for more than fifteen years. The EU therefore has a vital interest in an early and satisfactory resolution of the question of Kosovo's status - one which is viable for Kosovo, Serbia and the entire region. In this context, regional cooperation is
essential and must be one of our main requirements. Kosovo will not gain its new status in a vacuum. Geography is obdurate, and there is no sense in shying away from forms of cooperation which are essential to improving the regional situation.
The Security Council is now dealing with the status question, and we hope it will reach a decision rapidly. That decision will lead to the second challenge the Union will have to face: material support for the implementation of Kosovo's final status.
Our preparatory work is at a very advanced stage, almost done. We are applying a dual approach: on the one hand support for the Office of the Representative of the International Community, which is a cornerstone for the decision's implementation, and on the other an ESDP mission in the police, justice and customs areas, with executive powers in certain cases. The Mission will have 1 300 to 1 500 members, making it the biggest civilian mission we have yet established. Parliament's support for
the smooth operation of the Mission is vital.
Serbia is at a crucial juncture. Kosovo will be another difficult test. We are now awaiting the formation of a new Government. I am hopeful that it will be announced in the next few days. That will be a big first step forward. Twice recently I have had occasion to meet President Tadic. He has assured me of his determination to make progress on fulfilling the conditions for restarting negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement. It is my view that as soon as the new
Government is formed and as soon as we have examined its programme, we must take steps to support consolidation of the reforms being attempted.
We still have a number of great challenges facing us in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Political developments over the past year have not lived up to our hopes, and some changes have been plainly negative. On the other hand, it has to be acknowledged that the security situation remains stable, and possible repercussions of regional developments are seen as having little potential impact on the situation.
The Bosnian authorities must move decisively towards the reforms that are needed for the conclusion of negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement. Police reform is an absolutely imperative precondition.
The Peace Implementation Council (under the Dayton Accords) decided by consensus to postpone the final closure of the Office of the High Representative. I believe that was the right decision. But the Bosnian authorities must make no mistake about that decision: they alone are responsible for moving the reforms forward, and the international community's continued commitment must not and cannot be an excuse for evading that responsibility.
The recent decision to reconfigure the EUFOR military force was also taken in the light of the fact I mentioned before: the lack of progress on the political reform front is having no impact on the security situation. The same expectation holds regarding possible future regional developments. At all events, EUFOR is and will remain capable of responding immediately and robustly if required to intervene. You may be absolutely sure of that.
In the last two weeks I have had the opportunity to meet the President and the Prime Minister of Ukraine. It is clear that the country has been facing a difficult situation domestically for some time. I believe we must work with them to surmount that situation. One positive factor in this context is the opening next Monday of negotiations for a new Agreement with the European Union.
By contrast, we must condemn the disproportionate measures taken to suppress the celebration of Freedom Day last Sunday in Belarus. That is not the way, and we must continue to convey the fact to the Minsk authorities.
In Georgia, recent events in the Kodori Gorge are very worrying. No progress has been made in Trasnistria. We cannot continue to let time pass without taking action on the so-called "frozen conflicts" which, as is clear from events in Georgia, can become complicated in a matter of hours. We need to work with Russia and the United States in tackling these questions.
Africa will continue to be a focal point of the EU's foreign policy in 2007. The situation in Darfur remains very serious, with insecurity, human rights violations and repercussions for neighbouring countries. Moreover, the situation in Darfur is also a threat to the unity of Sudan. Now more than ever, any solution requires the acceptance by Khartoum of a United Nations military presence, as this is the only way to stabilise the situation and instil confidence in the population. In
parallel, the political process must be re-launched and a ceasefire achieved, a task which is currently occupying the United Nations and the African Union, whose special envoys have our full support. The pressure on the Sudanese Government needs to be stepped up.
Somalia is another country which requires our urgent attention. In Riyadh yesterday, I participated in a meeting, together with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon, the Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, Alpha Oumar Konaré, the Secretary-General of the Arab League, Amr Moussa, and the Secretary-General of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, in order to prepare a conference on national reconciliation in Somalia. It is
vitally important that we make use of the window of opportunity which has opened up before us for the first time in fifteen years. The transitional Government has our support, but it should strive to be more open to other political forces and to involve the most representative sections of the population in Mogadishu in its actions. We are also supporting planning for the military deployment by the African Union, which would enable the Ethiopian presence to be ended. We hope to increase our
cooperation with the African Union on a number of security issues, but it should be made clear from the outset that military force is no substitute for the political process.
Recent events in the Democratic Republic of the Congo underline the need for the European Union to maintain its commitment to that great country. After all the efforts that have been made, we cannot now withdraw from the DRC.
Operation EUFOR RD Congo was a resounding success and facilitated the holding of the first free elections in over 40 years. The operation called on the full range of conflict management tools available to the Union. EU Member States are currently conducting a process of absorbing "lessons learned" in the DRC, which I hope will be substantial and will enable us to improve our future actions.
B>Foreign policy and defence structures
The DRC is yet another illustration of the point I made earlier: there are huge demands on the EU throughout the world to take action and provide support in resolving the most varied conflicts. To meet that demand, we are working to improve the efficiency and preparation of our conflict management mechanisms.
As you will perhaps recall, I received a mandate in this connection at the informal European Council meeting held at Hampton Court in 2005 under the UK Presidency. The philosophy I am now applying has two goals:
First, to create a civilian crisis management structure capable of incorporating, as quickly and as effectively as possible, the huge diversity of capabilities available to the Union in this field: police, judges, rule of law, all aspects of public administration, civil protection, and so on. The European Union is a pioneer in this field. We have the capabilities: what we now need to do is make them more accessible.
Secondly, to achieve the highest possible level of integration between the civilian and military aspects of crisis management. If we have learned anything from recent conflicts (Iraq and Afghanistan for example), it is that no crisis has a purely military solution and that no conflict can be tackled without the necessary prior military stabilisation on the ground. I might add that this is a field in which certain States with very highly developed military capacities have only recently begun to
take action. The EU has been active in this area for some considerable time already. Once again, we are pioneers: we are pushing ahead in a complex field and the immediate consequence will be greatly to improve our future effectiveness.
Honourable Members,
The programme of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and of the European Security and Defence Policy for 2007 is very full and wide-ranging. In the framework of the CFSP and ESDP, we can - and indeed must - discuss all issues. And here I include the participation of European countries in the US missile defence system. This is an issue we need to discuss within the Union and with our Russian friends.
Before concluding, I would like to say a few words on the missile defence system and to set out my views on this issue:
First, the European Union has a security and defence policy and, accordingly, this is an issue which can - and indeed must - be discussed within the Union;
Secondly, the Union is not a military alliance. For that reason, we cannot adopt decisions within the Union on an issue of this kind. Such decisions are for the Member States to take at national level;
Thirdly, we need to discuss this issue with our Russian friends. The President of the United States has already proposed a dialogue on this issue with President Putin.
Many thanks.
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