EUHR Solana's Speech on the Middle East crisis at the EP

Mr. President,
Honourable Members,

First of all, thank you for inviting me to be here with you today,

Once again, the Middle East is the focus of our concerns,

After a brief respite of tense and always fragile calm, the events of the past few days have reminded us of the dramatic reality of tension, violence, destruction and death experienced by the region.

I do not wish to conceal from you a certain feeling of frustration. Frustration because the Middle East is continuing to bleed to death, with a never-ending trickle of lost lives. Frustration because the Israelis and Palestinians have not been able, or have not wanted, to implement the commitments so formally entered into in Aqaba only a few weeks ago. Frustration because tension in the region has again reached extremely worrying levels. Frustration because ever fewer people believe in the Road Map instigated by the Quartet. Finally, frustration because the despair which has already taken hold of so many Arabs and Israelis may become established among us, the politicians, and among our citizens.

However, we must not be blinded by this frustration. On the contrary, the concern we all feel and the gravity of the situation must spur us on to keep our spirits alert and to assume our obligations and responsibilities.

The questions each and every one of us asks ourselves are: What can we do? What can the European Union do? Is the Road Map still in force? Is there a danger that the current tension could degenerate into a regional conflict?

In the next few minutes I should like to make a few points in an attempt to answer these questions.

Let us start with the Road Map. The question is legitimate. Some will say that there is not much point in a list of steps that must be taken in accordance with a timetable if those who have to take them do not have the will to do so. It is true that we shall be able to make little progress without the support of the parties concerned. However, and I want to say this quite clearly while acknowledging the enormous difficulties facing us, I do not believe that there is any alternative to the Road Map. The shared objective pursued by two States, Israel and Palestine - to live in peace and security - cannot be abandoned because of the tragic events of the past few days. This is a very ambitious objective which should be achieved in 2005. Greater involvement by the international community and especially by the Quartet is therefore imperative.

The Road Map was an initiative instigated by Europe. We also took part in devising and setting up the Quartet. We were able to establish a new political platform which made direct involvement by the United States possible in the context of a joint action. The debate on who could act as "honest broker" became redundant.

A few days ago in New York, the Quartet met again. Despite certain ominous comments, the Quartet is not exhausted and continues to be the focus of peace efforts. At the end of the meeting our formal agreement was announced to meet again before the end of the year. It was also agreed, thanks to Europe's insistence that our representatives on the ground, the special representatives, should meet regularly. This will enable us to have a consolidated view of the situation, to adopt joint actions and, finally, to coordinate our efforts more closely.

However, it is not enough to proclaim the validity of the Road Map. The only way to break the current deadlock is by adopting concrete steps, measures which allow the parties concerned to see that the other side has a definite desire to move forward.

Such measures aimed at creating a minimum amount of trust must also be verifiable. The lessons of the past led us to insist on the inclusion of a verification mechanism when the Road Map was being drawn up. That mechanism now needs to be activated as soon as possible.

Abu Ala has just formed a new Palestinian government in extremely difficult circumstances. I know him well and hold him in very high regard. He has a wealth of experience forged out of difficult situations. His government must assume its responsibilities swiftly. In the area of security, we hope that it can restore order within the Palestinian security forces, as was done in the financial sphere. There can be no tolerance towards the terrible terrorist attacks so frequently and dramatically suffered by the Israeli population. The Palestinian government must put an end to that curse. It is in the Palestinians' own interest to do so. It must also pursue economic and social reform for the Palestinian people. Abu Ala and his government will have our active and resolute support in these endeavours.

But for the endeavours of the new Palestinian government to succeed, they will need, above all, the support of the Israeli government.

The Israeli government also has essential obligations under the Road Map. It must put an end to the settlements policy, to the construction of a separating wall which infringes territories beyond the 1967 limits, to the policy of selective assassinations and to other measures contrary to international law. The re-establishment of cooperation between the Israelis and the Palestinians needs to be given a chance.

I must refer here to the situation created by the air raid carried out by the Israeli air force near Damascus following the appalling terrorist attack of Haifa.

Nobody should doubt the determination of the European Union, its Member States and its institutions to combat and condemn terrorism. The Israeli government not only has the right but also the duty to take measures to protect its citizens from terrorism. However, for this fight to be genuinely effective, it must be carried out within the boundaries of international law. There are no possible short-cuts. In a geographical area as volatile as the Middle East, it is crucial that actions by all parties be aimed at reducing tension, not increasing it.

Similarly we cannot accept the Israeli government's decision concerning President Arafat. We have stated clearly that it is counterproductive and dangerous.

Our Arab friends must also maintain their commitment to the peace efforts and reactivate the initiative launched by Saudi Arabia and confirmed at the Arab League summit in Beirut in March last year. That initiative is fully valid and it has the backing of the Quartet.

In short, the coming weeks will be decisive. All the Quartet members, particularly the United States, must remain resolutely committed to the process at this time. The road towards peace will be long and tortuous. We know what the objective is and we are aware of the difficulties ahead. The European Union's action in the Middle East must be firm and determined, but also creative and consistent.

The European Parliament has now shown once again its firm desire to contribute actively to the peace efforts, through the recent adoption by its Committee on Foreign Affairs of the draft report prepared by my good friend Emilio Menéndez del Valle. This report contains elements that will be of great use in these critical moments.

The coming days and weeks will be crucial. If the Abu Alá Government begins to carry out its duties in the area of security and if the Israeli government demonstrates restraint and generosity, paving the way for a lowering of tension, peace will have a new opportunity. The key to negotiations must not be handed over to the terrorists.

For my part, I will continue to do everything I can to ensure that the process moves forwards in the right direction and to break the vicious circle it currently finds itself in. I am in constant contact with the two sides, with my colleagues in the Quartet and with all the players in the region. Our Special Representative is on the spot on a permanent basis. I know that in this difficult task I can relay on the support and resolute action of the European Parliament.

Thank you.

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• Statement by the Quartet (26/9/2003)
• EU and Middle East (16/9/2002)